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trump protests students papadopoulosHow could anyone vote for him?” “How could anyone vote for her?”

In a contentious election between candidates with historically high disapproval ratings, voters across the country were asking such questions, incredulous that their fellow Americans could be on the other side this time. These questions were encouraged by the rhetorical strategies of both campaigns, which focused on establishing their own candidate’s character and credibility while demonstrating that the opponent is unfit for office. And these questions signal the challenge we all face in the days after the election. How do we repair the divisions wrought, or exposed, by this election? How do we understand the diversity of political views in our nation?

Writing at The Atlantic, Conor Friedersdorf seeks to explain “How Millions of Good People Can Vote Differently Than You Will.” His thought experiment, which he addresses to Clinton supporters and Trump supporters alike, asks the reader to imagine being a completely different person: shaped by different genes, different parents, different religious beliefs, different strengths and weaknesses, a different educational and career path, different friends, a different part of the country, a different social media feed.

In short, he urges, imagine being a “bizarro-you”: “You believe multiple lies you now know to be true and know truths you regard as lies.” A vote for Mr. Trump or Mrs. Clinton by bizarro-you “would mean something totally different” than your vote for the same candidate. “That’s how millions of good people can reach a conclusion different than yours. What their choice means is very different than what it would mean for you to make it.”

Friedersdorf’s goal seems to be to make Americans more tolerant of their fellow citizens’ diverse political views. That is a worthy, even noble goal, within limits. Friedersdorf assumes, and I agree, that the present election falls within those limits: A vote for either Mr. Trump or Mrs. Clinton does not necessarily make you a monster, a traitor, or a dangerously ignorant rube. It is a question on which reasonable and good people can disagree—vehemently, perhaps, but for legitimate reasons.

But Friedersdorf’s thought experiment emphasizes how we come to disagree, rather than our grounds for disagreement with one another. In so doing, it implies that diverse political opinions are simply the result of diverse formations. It implies that there is no rational basis for voting for either candidate—that voting for one or the other is just the effect of how you have been (passively) formed by your environment—that there is no such thing as individual deliberation or political persuasion, just epistemic and behavioral determinism.

Perhaps Friedersdorf does not really think such things. He himself is a person whose understanding is not simply determined by formation and environment. He lives in a politically homogenous enclave (coastal California) and says that he “could never vote for Trump.” But he values viewpoint diversity, seeks to understand it, and then re-presents it through his writing. As a journalist, he has frequently demonstrated his capacity for sympathetically investigating a broad spectrum of opinion on many contentious issues, from campus activism to populist support for Mr. Trump.

But his audience is those readers who are so trapped within a political subculture’s echo chamber that they don’t know anyone who will be voting for the other candidate. Friedersdorf must think that this account of otherness—the recognition that another individual is totally different from you—is the best, perhaps the only way of convincing his audience to be more tolerant of political diversity.

Is diversity in formation the best explanation for political disagreement? And is Friedersdorf’s thought experiment the most effective way to convince Americans to tolerate each other?

Formation is nothing if not formative. But the 2016 election has demonstrated that even within a single subculture, individuals with similar backgrounds, similar values, and similar goals can come down on different sides in matters of prudence and politics. (Witness the divisions within and among the various communities on the religious right.) Perhaps, then, some of our fellow citizens have come to a decision that we find abhorrent, through the exercise of their reason, individually and in conversation with others.

If we accept the account of human nature given by the Western theological and philosophical traditions—that we are free, rational beings, limited and imperfect, prone to diversity of opinion and errors in judgment—we may be more inclined to be not only tolerant but gracious and loving toward those with whom we disagree.

Friedersdorf’s argument relies on a more modern assumption: that what is other or different is, as such, good and lovable—or at least tolerable. Having understood that someone is different from us, we should respect and tolerate that person as the first step toward putting our divided country back together again.

But this assumption is flawed, in that it fails to explain why we should love or even tolerate those who are different from us. Why should I not hate or condemn what is totally other than myself?

Perhaps I might see that we are all rational animals, faced with similar limitations in experience and judgment, but capable of examining, deliberating about, and changing our beliefs. Such an understanding would prepare me to embrace my fellow citizens despite our disagreements. Friedersdorf’s thought experiment, by contrast, relies on the same belief that undergirds multiculturalism—the very creed that helped propel Mr. Trump’s populist campaign and fueled the alt-right. However well-intentioned, and however successful as a purely intellectual exercise, its scope is severely limited by its underlying assumption.

Perhaps such assumptions are required by Friedersdorf’s (mostly blue-state) audience, and perhaps such assumptions will be more effective than an argument from the Western tradition’s account of human nature. If so, Friedersdorf may have succeeded as a rhetor, but for a reason that bodes ill for any longer-term attempt to heal the divisions of this election.

Books on the topic of this essay may be found in The Imaginative Conservative Bookstore. Republished with gracious permission from First Things

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5 replies to this post
  1. From what I read, the Orlando police department did a FANTASTIC job healing the divisions with nonlethal projectiles. America is not Ukraine and the street rabble don’t decide her politics.

  2. “A vote for Mr. Trump or Mrs. Clinton by bizarro-you ‘would mean something totally different’ than your vote for the same candidate.” A vote by bizarro-me for Hillary would mean I no longer believe the revealed truths of the Catholic faith vis-a-vis non-negotiable moral issues. With regard to non-Christians, however, it is certainly easy to see how support for Hillary advances their personal interests.

  3. This reminds me of an article by Robert Nisbet called Radicalism as Therapy. He distinguishes the divide between the Old Left and the New Left and diversity is a New Left term whereas the Old Left would have looked at deterministic structures like class and would have emphasized political action. This article is in the New Left vein where people just like chocolate or they like strawberry and there is just no two ways about it. I prefer a discussion of why Hillary lost or Trump won that emphasizes Trump outworked her in areas she took for granted or she ignored the forgotten people and Trump did not and Bill told her in her campaign meetings that they needed a message for those people. Or I prefer a discussion that emphasizes closed versus open borders and the integrity and sovereignty of the nation-state as emphasized by thinkers like Pierre Manent in France. We are not going to heal divisions by trying to hold on to narrative structures that are imploding on themselves like political correctness or multiculturalism.

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